Tuesday, December 15, 2009

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The candy violence anomaly Berlusconi

First I have to make two assumptions which are in contrast with each other: I do not feel any regret for the conditions in which our prime minister by Sunday night unfortunate, given that I do not no soul or universal Christian love for all creatures on this earth, I can empathize with the pain felt by entities that I find detrimental to their very existence, I believe, on the other hand, that the reckless act of Tartaglia has the effect more immediate strengthening of the image of Berlusconi, who is becoming more and more of the features of the martyr was, paradoxically as a result of a period that seemed to see the limits of an open crisis on several fronts.
said that I would like to dwell for a moment to reflect on this idea that is catching on, across all media of every flag that this gesture has been almost a natural consequence di un esecrabile clima d’odio alimentato da qualche anno sia dalla politica che dal mondo dell’informazione, e che ha per obbiettivo primario la persona di Mister Ricrescita.
Per prima cosa , come molti commentatori hanno sottolineato, l’atto è stato perpetrato da un malato di mente, per definizione persona che agisce spinta da istinti non imbrigliabili dalla ragione. Vedere quindi nel gesto il prolungamento di qualcosa che invece si situa aldifuori della testa del folle, una motivazione insomma di carattere sociale, è privo di qualsivoglia logica.
A questa osservazione molti controbattono che è proprio la presenza di tali schegge impazzite che dovrebbe condurre tutti ad un abbassamento dei toni. Be’, Che dire? Demanded that it be made a bit of public opinion because there is a remote probability that the world has a Mario Rossi ready to take up the first provocation to unleash his pent-up anger against one of our public officials, it seems to me a pretty tight. In short, the poor needy will certainly other ways to download their violence (perhaps the same) without any need for an external stress.
What makes a prey species is that of convenience to a goodism - opportunity to pull a jab to the most uncontrollable opposition as regards the government, fear by the left to be identified with these "moral principals" - the continue to bring out the ghosts of a dark past of terrorism that has characterized Italy for two decades. And so with a succession of appeals for calmness, restraint, the quiet dialogue, the kisses and hugs. But no one realizes that the situation today has little to share that with the years of lead. Even in its most violent riots we see today, lack the ideological glue that characterized the movement (particularly terrorist) of those years, there are no real claims, it is not a homogeneous class real class that oppose, not located within an international conflict between two opposing, not have political references that stand as a guide, they souls intellectuals representing the head, indeed, are often considered movements "anti-political." The only thing that unites them, compact them, moves them is their location - or against - than the person of Mr. B. E 'him the catalyst of the Italian political battle. It was he who led (directly but often indirectly) to a resurgence of political violence ever seen in the past 15 years. But beware, there is talk of his own person of his policy, partly because of the political within the center-right, there is little to be considered for this feature consists una distinta identità. Niente comunque perché possa così tanto distinguersi dallo schieramento opposto e scatenare un odio ideologicamente schierato. No, è l’uomo Berlusconi che diviene bersaglio di una critica feroce. Per invidia? Per pregiudizio? Perché intere classi sociali, categorie professionali, ordini, mestieri, capi di stato, culti religiosi… sono divenuti comunisti? Sono poco propenso a credere ai complotti – vorrei ricordare inoltre agli elettori del Pdl che Berlusconi non ha nulla a che vedere con l’anticomunismo, spiacente-. Il fatto è che l’artefice di questa personalizzazione della politica italiana è stato proprio lui. È lui quello che presenta leggi in parlamento per il suo advantage and also transforms the DDL. It is he who opens institutional conflicts with the constitutional court, the president (even if we were a monarchy the king) if they are encountered, for duty under the constitution, to his will. He is charged with the victory of center-right consensus around his person. Because, let's face it: the center-left is a state in open civil war, but the center-right is an absolute monarchy, where the party is identified with the chief financier-founder-emperor with no possibility of a minimum dialogue, otherwise ' purge. The result? Any attack on the policy of the majority coincide with an attack on Berlusconi and vice versa.
Quello che insomma voglio dire ai tanti Cicchitto, Bondi, Schifani, Feltri (e persino Politi e De Bortoli) è che se si vuole interrompere la spirale di violenza e ritornare a parlare di riforme – e magari creare una vero centrodestra- occorre che svanisca l’anomalia Italiana: Il sultano Berlusconi.

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